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The Worlds of Ntozake ShangeAND DIGITAL STORYTELLING

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Third Wave Feminists Before Second Wave Feminism

by Asha Futterman 2 Comments

 

In Recasting Second Wave Feminism, Thompson highlights that stories of “militant anti-racist women” have been excluded from the history of second wave feminism. Thompson argues that second wave feminism excludes the stories of many like those of Assata Shakur, Marilyn Buck, and Angela Davis. It seems as if histories of radicalism are suppressed and re-suppressed. Through my researching work I’ve been looking at radical feminists during the Harlem Renaissance. One woman who stuck out to me is Mae Mallory. She was revolutionary and political prisoner a good 10 years before Angela Davis got on the scene. While she was the first real political prisoner of the civil rights era, sentenced to 20 years in prison for “kidnapping” an elderly white KKK couple, her radical history is rarely listened to. She was a part of the Black NRA, she fought with the Freedom Riders, she worked with Black Nationalists, Malcolm X, Communists, she did what ever she could do to fight for freedom. Mallory didn’t fit into any boxes. She was too radical (didn’t agree with everything MLK had to say). She wasn’t radical enough (didn’t agree with everything the Black Pathers did either). Her wikipedia entry calls her a desegregationist because she fought to put her daughter in a white school, but she didn’t care for integration, she just wanted her daughter to take all the classes she would need to get into college. She didn’t act like how we expect women, Black, or heterosexual people to act. What’s more, she doesn’t fit into any periodization of 2nd wave feminism that Thompson recommends. So, we forget about her. I leave this article left wondering where we put her life and her work. When we comb through history and give it names and stars, it seems as if we’re doomed to forget radicals that were too radical. What do we do with 3rd wave feminists who fought for justice before the 2nd wave had even begun?

Body Politics

by Breana Beaudreault 0 Comments

As I read the pieces from last week in juxtaposition with the articles for this week, the theme of physicality and its instrumental nature in forging communities, keeping those communities safe and healthy, and allowing transcendental expression becomes increasingly apparent. Natalie Havlin’s article really solidified these themes that had echoed throughout other pieces in her work on the revolutionary possibilities of love in third world feminism. The feeling of physical touch and the gauging of emotions to determine revolutionary change are both to this day undervalued in their importance to the movements that fight against the newer iterations of these challenges. With the rise in popularity of self-care, it is important, I think, to recall that though this work is often exhausting and does require special attention to mental and physical wellbeing, that acts of communal love and care within chosen radical communities, real radical, unrestrained, and intersectional love can be just as healing. Just as Shange moves towards the ends of her rainbow with communal healing from the laying on of hands, these moments of collective healing can be found in the every day as Havlin suggests, and supplements self-care in a crucial way. Through these healing actions, also, we strengthen the community and renew energy for the cause in recognizing and embracing differences that define us as well as the similarities that allow transcendental understanding of struggle. The success of this physical re-imagining of love is twofold, in that the stereotypes that are inscribed on these bodies, and specifically the black female body in the works of Shange, can be re-written. Havlin notes, “Martinez’s differentiation of Cuban and African American corporeal and emotional expressions compliments her emphasis on the local historical specificity of antiblack racism.” This sentiment brought to mind Sullivan’s essay on the way that Shange’s work aids us in this mission as well, as she notes, “choreopoetic thinking offers pathways for speaking oneself out of social structures that constrain the voice through willful misreadings of the body.” Sullivan goes on to note “Shange’s innovation of the choreopoem offers such a form, a poetic form and mode of expression designed explicitly to represent the complexities of intersectional identity.” Just in the ways that physical love and expression demonstrates “the physical and emotional expression of the potential of collectivity”, Shange’s works, specifically her choreopoem, uses this exact theory of radical collective love, both physical and metaphysical, to carry us to the ends of our very inclusive, every color under the sun, bright, shinin’ rainbow.

The more I read, the more I doubt

by Jennell Strong 3 Comments

Every time that I read some text or work about history my most visceral response is this doesn’t make sense. The things that I am reading about, usually some ideological system implemented for the purpose of oppression (sexism, racism, queerphobia, etc) strikes me as being utterly illogical, irrational and unnecessary. Maybe I’m just too lazy and uncreative that I can’t fathom investing time and energy into making up ideas and forcing people to believe that just because. I say all this because that was my reaction when reading Becky Thompson’s work on Multirracial Feminism. She writes there is a widely held belief that “women of color feminists emerged in reaction to (and therefore later than) white feminism (338). This belief she attributes to hegemonic feminism telling a specific, narrow story about feminism. My response was there is enough evidence to effortlessly debunk this myth of a white, middle class feminist origin. Furthermore, common sense tells me that white people can’t do anything independently (I mean slavery) so why would I believe that white women could pioneer any liberation movement? Just makes no sense.

I have to constantly remind myself that people choose to not think practically. Hegemony functions within a collectively agreed upon state of impracticality. If you claim to want to free all women why wouldn’t you include all women? If you know that different feminisms coexisted why would you deliberately ignore those histories? I feel these are very basic questions. Most time I need to take breaks from reading discourse of any theoretical or historical nature because at the very foundation of it all is nonsense.

This text motivates me to learn more about feminisms of other cultures and time periods. I feel like there is so much about the social issues and activism of non black and non white women and non US women! Does that mean I am influenced by hegemonic feminism?

A key point I found in the text is that not only must the personal be political, but the political must also be personal (347). In the age of “I am (insert identities)” it’s easy to focus on what impacts you as an individual. However, freedom isn’t an individual state of being. Everyone must be free for freedom to be. Therefore, it’s necessary to think about another’s suffering and to ride for their causes as well. It’s just what makes sense.

Archives and Feminism

by Kim Hall 0 Comments
feminism is the political theory and practice to free all women: women of color, working-class women, poor women, physically challenged women, lesbians, old women, as well as white economically privileged heterosexual women. Anything less than this is not feminism, but merely female self-aggrandizement.
— Barbara Smith (1979), qtd in Becky Thompson, “Multiracial Feminism”
In fact, during the 1970s, women of color were involved on three fronts-working with white- dominated feminist groups; forming women’s caucuses in existing mixed-gender organizations; and developing autonomous Black, Latina, Native American, and Asian feminist organizations.
–Becky Thompson, “Multiracial Feminism”
Phat Mama magazine cover art

Phat Mama magazine cover art

Thanks so much to  Jennell, Laura and Makaria for last week’s lively discussion!  Although Jennell had her own archival adventure at a street fair, we will begin our collective archival journey today.  We are visiting The Ntozake Shange Collection ON HER BIRTHDAY!!!!  (Don’t forget that we are meeting in the new archive space in Milstein–directions below).  In addition to Barnard librarians and archivists, Shannon O’Neill and Vani Natarajan, we will hear from Steven Fullwood, 

A New Vision of Feminism

by Ariel Leachman 1 Comment

Like in our discussion two weeks ago on “dismantling the patriarchy” it is not possible without the influences of masculinity and how the dominant cultural forces of patriarchy. There is a continual challenge to include all identities in In the same way there is a challenge for our understanding of feminism to capture all identities, as feminism in my view is a localized experience. The fight for “equality” for women is not only racially or socioeconomically specific; but it is also grounded in one’s own experience through culture, ethnicity and personal encounter with their identity as a woman or as other. However, our readings highlight an important effort in the theory of feminism and how it is important to consider the intersectional influences and effects. Without an intersectional lens movements cannot fully fight oppression. Racism for women of color cannot be separated from their gendered oppression.

From an artistic lens, I think that Shange captures this challenge of intersectionality. Her work, and the works of many racially diverse feminist artist draw parallels of the plight of black women and people of color; yet they are able to capture the distinct and unique experience of black women and women of color. One modern artist that I appreciate is Mickalene Thomas. Her art is a process of revisiting and recreating art centered and focused on black women.

 

 

 

There is no perfect feminism

by Phanesia Pharel 1 Comment

I truly believe there is no perfect feminism. But there are feminisms that uplift more people than others. I always viewed second wave feminism as belonging to white women, I knew women of color were ignored but I had no idea women of color also mobilized with white women at that point. Becky Thompsons, “Multiracial Feminism: Recasting the Chronology of Second Wave Feminism” & Natalie Havlin, bring up so many valuable points. Starting with the erasure of early intersectionality and how women of color would work together but always want individuality. This all reminds me of the connections in the Caribbean. Growing up in Miami it seemed like Cubans, Haitians and other Caribbean people thrived separately. It wasn’t until my mother told me about her experiences and the closeness between these islands that I realized we had more to gain working together. But the erasure of our interconnected histories held me back from many valuable conversations. Another example of erasure is the fact that I did not find our Shirley Chislom ran for president until a few years ago, and it pissed me off and blew my mind. Why the fudgenuts did I not learn this in school? And as great as it is that we talk about it sometimes many forget that the black community and the woman’s movement left her behind. I also had no idea she was the first congresswoman.

 

As many great points as Becky thompson’s work makes, this text seems a little too optimistic. Yay! Women of color and white Jewish, queer and anti-racist women mobilized together in the past. But why are our communities more polarized and segregated in some parts of America and the world than ever before? 

 

This brings me to Chicanx feminism. This is a great example as well, while her studies on Cuba were amazing, to note the oppression of afro-cubans is so immense that I grew up in Miami a city built by Cubans and Haitians and met an Afro-Cuban when I was 19 years old. The proof is in who survived and was able to escape Castro. Cuba is often romanticized as a communist heaven but it’s important to remember certain things. There were camps that queer people disappeared and were taken to under Fidel Castro. This was not mentioned in her work at all. Another example of the severity of Cuba is when my violin coach saw her cousins cry when they walked into a supermarket for the first time, they had never seen so much food. I don’t feel like an accurate or nonbiased portrayal of Cuba was made here.

 

I say all of this to ask if it is possible to tell the whole story of a silenced community?

There are ups and downs but what was erased and what stayed in feminism? This is something I’d love to discuss with all of you.

Haveline in Conversation with Shange and Lorde

by Katie Lee 2 Comments

The Havelin reading reminded me of our discussions from last week on for colored girls who have considered suicide/when the rainbow is enuf and also Audre Lorde’s scholarship on anger in “The Uses of Anger: Women Responding to Racism”. Havelin’s concept of the revolutionary love-praxis involves both mutual affection and the commitment to revolutionary ethics, particularly through fostering understanding between women. Havelin expands upon the traditional conception of love as tenderness by also stating that the use and expression of love is a measure of revolutionary thought and action. This reminds me of for colored girls who have considered suicide/when the rainbow is enuf because the choreopoem portrays communal emotional vulnerability, followed by loving acceptance. The women each reveal their story of survival and, in doing so, warmly accept each other. This feeling comes organically to them, and would fall under Havelin’s category of everyday feeling. I think that Havelin would argue that their acts are revolutionary, in that it creates a space wherein the experiences of women of color are heard and taken to heart, in opposition to the current white, patriarchal hegemony.

This also reminded me of Lorde’s work because she similarly describes a natural feeling as an act of revolution, except she identifies anger. Both Havelin and Lorde appreciate the power of the everyday. They both assert that refusing to dismiss and legitimizing these everyday feelings pushes up against the hegemonic belief that women should suppress their irrational, over-abundant emotions.

For my piece of media, I chose Kerry James Marshall’s “School of Beauty, School of Culture”, an acrylic and glitter work from 2013. Marshall harnesses the power of the everyday, that being a hair salon, to make assert of black culture as a legitimate form of culture, now taking its space in art institutions (like the Whitney, where this was shown). He also portrays black women communing with each other through care and closeness.

Here’s a link to a better photo: https://artsbma.org/may-2013-spotlight/sony-dsc/

Love and Emotion in Revolution

by Dayna Beatty 0 Comments

“Feelings of love are fundamental in revolutionary practice.” (Havlin 81)

 

Paired with each other, these readings seem to reach the same conclusion: for revolution to be inclusive and effective, love must be present. Love therefor leads to intersectionality—appreciation and recognition for everyone within a movement produces the most inclusive and thus, successful, activism possible. Both pieces call readers to acknowledge the hierarchical nature of humanity—both transnationally and within communities. Havlin writes, “Vasquez identifies self-awareness about power inequalities among colonized people as necessary components of building collaborations across social and national borders.” (Havlin 91) Essentially, she concludes that power dynamics are present not just between the colonizer and the colonized, but among the colonized as well. There is no society void of some form of hierarchy that is driven by different forms of oppression. Similarly, Thompson writes, “a recognition that race cannot be seen in binary terms; a recognition that racism exists in your backyard as well as in the countries the US is bombing or inhabiting economically.” (Thompson 349) Ideas about race produce stereotypes that are present not just among the dominant, western, white group but also among minority groups. Hierarchies do not simply exist between the dominant group and the “other”—to believe that this is the case when performing activism is a reductionist approach that makes it difficult to recognize other forms of oppression—be they race based or based upon something else.

 

Havlin’s piece calls readers to recognize the importance of love and emotion in activism. To recognize emotion in activism was an interesting analytical approach that, up until now, I had never considered. The texts I have read thus far have not stressed how important emotion it is, and I theorize that is due to the fact that feminists are hesitant to acknowledge their emotions out of fear of ratifying the stereotype that women are “emotion.” However, as stated earlier in the piece, love (an emotion) is necessary for revolution.  This idea also encompasses the need to recognize other forms of oppression alongside the feminist fight. As Thompson’s history of Second Wave Feminism exposes, effective and inclusive feminism is not simply limited to a woman versus man binary. It is recognizing that there many different forms of oppression and privilege that work together to form a person’s positionality. Thompson writes that it is necessary for a white woman to recognize her  “position as both oppressed and oppressor— as both women and white.” (Thompson 342) Ultimately, including love and emotion and recognizing hierarchies among even homogenous groups produces a “cross-racial sisterhood” that is “powerful.” (Thompson 347) Intersectionality includes gender and race, but also class, education, ability status, and hundreds more identifiers. In order to create a movement that offers the highest potential for success, activists must love and acknowledge all of these identifiers.

 

I chose to include the following video a TED talk given by one of the first women to coin the term “intersectional.” Whenever I explain intersectional feminism to people who’ve only been exposed to white feminism (as mentioned directly in Thompson’s piece), I refer them to this video. I felt the exercise she does at the very beginning of this piece in particular to be incredibly demonstrative of the dangers that activism which lacks an intersectional approach produces.