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Feminizm Ve Tarih — Historical Narratives From New York to Eastern Anatolia

by Eliana 0 Comments

When evaluating my own roots, as Shange often pushes me to, I turn to the Turkish academic Ayşe Gül Altınay. Professor Altınay, a personal feminist exemplar, was recently arrested and sentenced to two years in prison after signing a petition criticizing the Turkish government on behalf of the Academics For Peace Group. This serves as a case study in governmental treatment of pedagogy worldwide, and how American challenges of criminalizing, not just bodies, but ideas, are not uniquely American. Today, American discussions of the federal government dictating which news is “fake” and “real” are deeply intertwined with conversations on the mass incarceration, as political power structures force marginalized communities deeper into society’s margins. One can criminalize opposition and create bureaucratic barriers between a writer and publisher, but one cannot stop individuals from sharing their ideas to counter hegemony. 

Last Fall, Professor Altınay gave a lecture on “Bridging Academia and Activism Through Gender Studies,” where she both gave an overview of the feminist movement in Turkey and reflected on her own work as a scholar of gender and sexuality studies in Turkey. The history of female-identified Turkish activists fighting for change is being gradually erased over time, and one can view the treatment of their history as seemingly disposable in the eyes of the government and educators. Gender and Sexuality scholars such as Professor Altınay have been discovering pre-existing Kurdish and Armenian women’s organizations from the times of the Turkish feminist movement, which were excluded from the mainstream documentation of the movement. 

“Why am I compelled to write? Because the writing saves me from this complacency I fear. Because I have no choice. Because I must keep the spirit of my revolt and myself alive. Because the world I create in the writing compensates for what the real world does not give me. By writing I put order in the world, give it a handle so I can grasp it. I write because life does not appease my appetites and hunger. I write to record what others erase when I speak, to rewrite the stories others have miswritten about me, about you.” – Gloria Anzaldúa

For Anzaldúa and Altınay, words represent a lifeline. For those fighting tirelessly amidst systemic oppression, writing one’s own history is essential to survival. Complacency emerges when the Third World Woman is spoken for, as these narratives represent the sanctity of her own voice. Through their fierce attempts to safeguard the written word, from eastern Anatolia to New York City, writers like Altınay and Anzaldúa work to reshape and reclaim historical narratives.

The power of women of color feminism in inter- & transnational feminist theory

On page 25 of Beins and Enzsner’s of “Inter- and Transnational Feminist Theory and Practice in Triple Jeopardy and Conditions” they channel Chandra Mohanty’s thought processes. They write, “internationalism is also associated with naïve and counterproductive objectives of global sisterhood in which some universal commonality (usually oppression by the patriarchy) is presumed to unite women throughout the world.” I think it is important that they noted how transnationalism recognizes how people across the world may share common oppressions, such as the exploitation of their labor or domestic violence, without presuming that the manifestation of these oppressions is the same.

I am reminded of the notion of intersectional feminism and how it closely investigates the overlapping systems of discrimination and sexism that women face based on factors such as gender, race/ethnicity, sexual orientation, and socioeconomic backgrounds. Intersectionality is crucial in order to understand how multiple oppressions interact to transform people’s lives and identities. With this being said, I feel that it’s important to note that women of color feminism and queer of color critique emerged out of the contradictions of racialized communities, which instead of being monolithic or united, is rather always already differentiated.

Just like Audre Lorde said in “Age, Race, Class and Sex: Women Redefining Difference,” one must recognize the fact that difference must be reconceptualized from a problem (something to fear, avoid or suppress) into a “springboard for creative change” (115). Women of color feminism and queer of color critique offer methodologies for understanding racialized communities as always constituted by a variety of racial, gendered, sexualized, and national differences. These intellectual traditions highlight the importance of an analysis that centers the intersection of race, gender, sexuality, and class, and thereby establishes a methodology for understanding coalition as emerging out of this difference. In conclusion, Beins and Enzsner’s discussion about transnationalism, along with women of color feminism and queer of color critique, is crucial for exploring and studying oppressions of various groups of individuals.

My beautiful mother who always encouraged me from a young age to embrace my unique identity and helped me get through bullying, harassment, and discrimination because of my mixed identity.

My mother, an immigrant who arrived to the US from the other side of the world with her sisters, is also a proud feminist and worked hard her entire life so I could attend Barnard to receive a wonderful education surrounded by intelligent women. I am so grateful to her for raising me the way she did.